Persuasive Essay Chores

Persuasive Essay Chores-57
The problem, they argued, was never with housework itself. As a young girl growing up in Italy in the 1940s and ’50s, she’d heard her father’s tirades against the abuses Italians had endured under the country’s fascist regime, and watched as the local communists and fascists battled one another in the streets.The problem was that housework had never been truly respected as work. For Federici, the choice between the two sides was obvious: the communist workers, who sported red carnations on May Day and rallied under the anti-fascist anthem “Bella Ciao,” were the ones who had her sympathies.In that view, housework could not be reformed—it could only be escaped.

The problem, they argued, was never with housework itself. As a young girl growing up in Italy in the 1940s and ’50s, she’d heard her father’s tirades against the abuses Italians had endured under the country’s fascist regime, and watched as the local communists and fascists battled one another in the streets.The problem was that housework had never been truly respected as work. For Federici, the choice between the two sides was obvious: the communist workers, who sported red carnations on May Day and rallied under the anti-fascist anthem “Bella Ciao,” were the ones who had her sympathies.In that view, housework could not be reformed—it could only be escaped.

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As feminist groups of the 1960s and ’70s strove to hone their positions on the issues, organizing (and reorganizing) was commonplace, helping to establish not just what these activists believed in, but which fights in particular were of the highest priority—and what the best tactics might be to achieve them.

In addition to more mainstream movements and publications, such as Betty Friedan’s National Organization for Women and , there were smaller (and significantly more radical) organizations led by writers and activists such as Robin Morgan, Shulamith Firestone, Ellen Willis, and Anne Koedt—organizations that splintered and reformed, as members struggled with various philosophical and political disagreements.

The International Feminist Collective was one of many feminist movements that sought a radical solution to the plight of modern women.

In the early 1970s, American women were systematically disenfranchised in all areas of life.

’”By the mid-20th century, housework had undergone a dramatic revolution.

For some second-wave feminists in the 1970s, this gap in respect was an obvious place to begin their fight for equality.

Their Wages for Housework movement, they hoped, would promote a political philosophy that promised true liberation for women.

Some feminists felt that domestic labor was, in itself, a mechanism of women’s oppression, with no other purpose but to keep women busy with meaningless, unstimulating labor so they wouldn’t rise up and demand an equal place alongside men.

When women, married or otherwise, became pregnant, they were thrown out of the workforce.

If they didn’t to be pregnant, they were denied access to abortions.

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